Johnson's big problem: the Republicans in the House of Representatives lack a governing majority

The Republicans can control the House of Representatives, but when it comes to passing a major measure in this Congress, it is up to the Democrats to provide the majority of the votes.

When Speaker Mike Johnson pushed through an emergency bill Thursday to prevent a partial government shutdown, it marked the fourth time in the past year that a Republican chairman, facing opposition from his right flank, had to rely on Democratic votes to pass . legislation necessary to prevent a disaster.

It was the latest sign of a punishing dynamic that Mr. Johnson inherited when he won the speakership in the fall. With a minuscule and shrinking majority, a restive right wing willing to deviate from key issues, and a Democratic Senate and president, Mr. Johnson presides over a majority in name only in the House of Representatives — and not a governing majority — leaving his influence is undermined.

And his hold on that majority is tenuous at best.

Just before the temporary spending bill was passed Thursday, it appeared that Johnson would fall just short of winning the support of a majority of his majority — long the informal but sacred standard for determining what legislation a Republican chairman would put to a vote. Only at the last minute did a Republican lawmaker appear to shift from “no” to “yes,” pushing him just over the threshold. One hundred and seven Republicans voted in favor of the relief bill and 106 opposed it, with Democrats providing the most votes – 207 – to pass the bill.

Leaning on such a coalition became a worn-out game for Kevin McCarthy, the former chairman, who used it in May to pull the country back from the brink of its first bankruptcy, and again in September to avoid a shutdown.

Caught between a government shutdown and using the same tactics as his ousted predecessor, Mr Johnson has now twice followed Mr McCarthy's example to keep the government funded. It's a move that has infuriated far-right Republicans, who crowed early this year that the party's slim margin would force the president into a coalition government with them. Instead, it has driven two consecutive Republican speakers into the arms of Democrats.

“I think it's a loss for the American people to join forces with Democrats — to form a governing coalition to do what Schumer and the Senate want to do,” said Representative Bob Good of Virginia, the Freedom chairman. Caucus, Thursday. “We'll do that again today. I think that's a failure.”

Still, Mr. Good and the other ultraconservatives who ousted Mr. McCarthy in October have said they are willing to give Mr. Johnson more leeway than they ever gave the California Republican. Privately and publicly, hardliners say they trust Mr. Johnson to tell them the truth — even if they don't like it — in a way they never expected Mr. McCarthy would. And they have found solace in his evangelical Christian roots and long history as an ultraconservative activist.

Last week, Mr Good called it “a ridiculous assumption” that “the leader of our party would be treated for two and a half months in the same way as someone who had been in that position for years.”

For his part, Mr. Johnson — who regularly reminds reporters who ask him about criticism from right-wing lawmakers that he considers himself one of them — has said he has made progress on difficult terrain.

“Everyone understands the reality of where we are now,” Mr Johnson said at a press conference this week. “Republicans in the House of Representatives have the second-smallest majority in history.” He added: “We won't get everything we want. But we remain committed to basic conservative principles. We are going to promote budget management. I see this as a down payment for real reform.”

That doesn't mean he expects an easy ride.

Since Republicans took control of the House of Representatives, the Speaker has had to rely on Democrats to even bring legislation to the House of Representatives several times, as conservative rebels have consistently broken tradition and opposed the procedural measures that enable a bill to be considered.

Mr Johnson has been forced to bring up both emergency bills to avoid a shutdown of parliament under a special protocol that requires a supermajority of the House of Representatives for approval.

Some ultraconservative Republicans suggested Thursday they might resume their blockade in the wake of the relief bill.

“Johnson inherited a mess,” said Representative Steve Womack, Republican of Arkansas and a senior member of the Appropriations Committee. “He is our coach now. And he's making the best play he can given the circumstances and headwind he's facing. He does his utmost. And it should be our collective, shared responsibility to make him successful. And we don't do that.”

Democrats are more than happy, especially in an election year, to underscore their willingness to save the bills to keep the government open. Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and majority leader, has repeatedly reminded the Senate president for months that any legislation to be signed into law must be bipartisan.

And Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York, the Democratic leader, often takes the opportunity to describe how Democrats have been at the forefront of such efforts “because of the chaos, dysfunction and extremism on the other side of the aisle.”

“They are built to be in the minority,” said Rep. Brendan F. Boyle of Pennsylvania, the top Democrat on the Budget Committee. “They are built to always say no, they are built to always oppose, and the only way you can pass meaningful things here, like keeping the government funded or raising the debt ceiling, is with Democratic votes. ”

Annie Karni And Carl Hulse reporting contributed.