Israel faces a difficult balancing act vis-à-vis Russia and the West
Although Israel is heavily dependent on support from the United States, Germany and other Western countries, Israel has been noticeably out of step when it comes to relations with Russia during its war of conquest in Ukraine.
Long before Hamas attacked Israel from Gaza on October 7, the country refused Ukrainian requests to send weapons or impose widespread sanctions on Russia, including halting flights to the country. Despite the eagerness of President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, himself Jewish, to visit the country and show solidarity after the attack, he never made the trip.
The reasons reflect Israel’s unique security needs and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s delicate relationship with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, a primary supporter of Israel’s enemies in the region who Israel cannot afford to offend.
As Israel’s war with Hamas enters its sixth month, Netanyahu needs Putin’s goodwill to contain Iran in particular and continue attacking Iranian targets in Syria while trying to prevent the armed forces from that Russia maintains there will be harmed.
So Mr. Netanyahu has consistently given the Russian leader wide leeway, even at the risk of alienating Israel’s key allies in Europe and the United States.
“Israel is walking a delicate tightrope,” said Emmanuel Navon, the Israel-based executive director of ELNET Israel, a nongovernmental organization that aims to strengthen diplomatic ties between Israel and Europe.
But even though Israel treads lightly when it comes to Russia, the relationship remains deeply lopsided. Mr. Putin has been an outspoken critic of Israel, using condemnation of Israel’s war in Gaza to appeal to the Global South, a term for an informal group of developing and underdeveloped countries, some of whom have been critical of the United States, Europe and the current world order.
After the Hamas attack on October 7, which Israeli authorities say killed about 1,200 people, most of them civilians, Putin said nothing for three days. Then, without expressing condolences for Israel or the victims, the Russian leader criticized the United States, calling October 7 “a clear example of the failure of American policy in the Middle East.”
Since then, Russia has been outspoken in condemning Israel’s war against Hamas, which has killed more than 31,000 people, including fighters, but the majority of the total were women and children, according to Gaza health authorities.
“When October 7 came, Putin found a ready-made issue, not to break ties with Israel, but to begin to put distance” between Russia and Israel, said Aaron David Miller, a former American diplomat at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Russia has done so at the United Nations Israel’s right to self-defense was questioned and repeatedly called for a humanitarian ceasefire to halt Israel’s military campaign. Russia has also amplified pro-Hamas positions online.
Russian officials have expressed sympathy or support for South Africa’s accusation at the International Court of Justice that Israel is committing genocide, which Israel denies.
At the same time, Russia has also used the war in Gaza to defend its own war in Ukraine. The West, it argues, has been hypocritical in condemning Russian attacks on civilians in Ukraine while at the same time supporting what it sees as similar Israeli attacks on civilians in Gaza.
In late October, Russia hosted a Hamas delegation in Moscow, which the Israeli Foreign Ministry called “reprehensible.” In late February, Russia hosted a new Hamas delegation for a meeting of Palestinians in Moscow.
After a December phone call between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Putin, which Mr. Carnegie’s Mr. Miller said reflected the tension between the two nations, Mr. Netanyahu said he had criticized Russia for its support of Iran, while Mr. Putin said he had criticized Israel over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
In the past, Mr. Netanyahu had boasted of his excellent relationship with Mr. Putin and his self-proclaimed ability to deal with great powers. Now “that relationship is more of a burden than a benefit,” Mr. Miller said.
Last Friday, Russia’s ambassador to Tel Aviv, Anatoly Viktorov, was called to the Israeli Foreign Ministry to protest comments made by Russian officials at the United Nations. sowing doubt on a UN report supporting findings on Hamas sexual violence. In beginning of FebruaryRussia has summoned Israel’s ambassador to Moscow, Simona Halperin, over “unacceptable comments” they say would disrupt Russia’s foreign policy.
The deepening of ties between Russia and Iran during the war in Ukraine has also raised concerns among Israeli and US officials. Tehran has supplied Moscow with drones, missiles and other weaponry.
Arkady Mil-Man, a former Israeli ambassador to Russia and now at the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University, said Mr. Netanyahu seemed to ignore that “Israel is seen by the Russians as an enemy.”
The relationship between Israel and Russia would only deteriorate, he said, because “the Russians took a clearly anti-Israel side.”
But Israel can hardly afford a breakdown in relations.
A significant number of Israeli citizens emigrated from the former Soviet Union and made their lives in Israel. But Israel still has an interest in caring for the Jewish population that remains in Russia. In late October, a mob stormed a Russian airport to search for Jews on an incoming flight from Israel.
“We want to keep the door open,” said Sarah Fainberg, director of Tel Aviv University’s research program on the role of Russia and China in the Middle East. It was important that the Jewish Agency, a nonprofit organization that helps Jews immigrate to Israel, remain operational in Russia, she said: “We want to be able to save this population in times of need.”
While anti-Semitism is not new in Russia, Ms. Fainberg said, Mr. Putin’s new antagonism toward Israel has raised concerns. “We used to think there was an anti-Semitic Russia, but a pro-Jewish president,” she said. “Now things have changed.”