Discontent and resistance on the road to elections in Pakistan

The highway is the most politically charged part of a politically turbulent country. It winds 300 kilometers from Pakistan's capital Islamabad, through the fertile plains of the Punjab province to Lahore, the cultural and political heart of the country.

For centuries it was known only as a stretch of the Grand Trunk Road, Asia's longest and oldest thoroughfare, connecting traders in Central Asia with the Indian subcontinent. But in Pakistan, this stretch of smog-soaked highway has become the scene of large rallies and protests led by almost every famous civilian leader the country has had.

As Pakistan heads into national elections on Thursday, the road is busy. Politics dominates the banter between vendors and rickshaw drivers; their conversations seep into a culture of conspiracy, cult of political personality and the problems of entrenched military control.

Almost every day, hundreds of people fill the streets – the overpasses are plastered with green, red and white political posters – to rally to their side. Many more parties, their party of choice effectively dissolved amid military crackdowns, are quietly cursing the authorities ahead of elections widely considered among the least credible in the country's history.

Mile 38: The economic crash

The kiosk just off the highway in Gujar Khan is little more than a metal chair with newspapers carefully spread out in a circle. Men gathered around the stall and chatted as they drank their morning tea and electric rickshaws rumbled by. New political advertisements appear on the front page of newspapers every day, says 60-year-old salesman Abdul Rahim. But he is not fooled by their catchy slogans or artful portrait photos.

Like many people in Pakistan, he is fed up with the country's political system. After former Prime Minister Imran Khan clashed with the country's powerful military and was ousted by parliament in 2022, the power struggle appeared to consume the country's political and military leaders. Meanwhile, people like Mr. Rahim were crushed by the worst economic crisis in Pakistan's recent history, sending inflation to nearly 40 percent last year, a record high.

“For five years I worried about how to put food on the table – that's all I thought about,” Mr Rahim said.

Three governments, led by three different parties, have been in power since inflation began to rise in 2019. None could put the economy back on track, Mr. Rahim and some of the men around the booth explained.

“The rulers are getting richer, their children are getting richer and we are getting poorer every day,” said Abid Hussein, 57, a nearby fruit stall seller. “This is the worst period of my life in Pakistan.”

Mile 74: The Crackdown

The kites are hidden at major intersections in Jhelum, wedged between the fruits and sunglasses of vendors' carts and are secretly distributed to passers-by. They have a photo of Mr Khan in the top left corner, along with his party's new slogan: “We will take revenge with the vote.”

Most of the campaign for Mr. Khan's political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, has taken place in this shadow after the military began a months-long campaign of intimidation.

“They are trying to crush the party. But that is not possible because the party is in the hearts of the people,” Jhelum provincial assembly candidate Yasir Mehmood Qureshi said as he stood in a large, shady garden surrounded by about 20 supporters.

The military's crackdown was intended to sideline populist Mr Khan, but most analysts say it has instead boosted his support. Although his popularity had plummeted as the economy deteriorated in the final months of his term, he now has a cult-like following. Supporters see him — and by extension themselves — as wronged by the military leaders they believe orchestrated his ouster.

“We are frustrated,” said a PTI supporter, Momin Khan, 25. “Everyone is angry.”

Mile 118: The young voice

The young men sat on a dead patch of grass at the edge of a field in Wazirabad, half-watching a cricket match. Umer Malik, 28, bored with the game, took out his phone and started scrolling through TikTok. Within seconds, there was a video showing a PTI rally with the words “Vote Only Khan,” another mocking the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, or PMLN, the party the military has dubbed favorite was considered in this election, and a slow video. motion shot of Mr Khan walking through a crowd.

“Every third video is about political issues,” Mr. Malik muttered.

Mr. Malik and his friends were fascinated by the flood of political content that PTI had created in recent years. The videos explained in layman's terms how the Pakistani army had maintained an iron grip on power. They learned the history of the military's various coups. They condemned the generals for Mr. Khan's ouster.

That content, beyond the reach of state censors, had sparked a political awakening among their generation, which makes up about half of the country's electorate. While young people in Punjab once took voting instructions from elders who were promised projects such as new roads by party leaders, they now cast their votes for whomever they want.

“The old era is over,” said Abid Mehar, 34, whose parents are staunch PMLN voters, while he supports PTI. “We will vote based on our conscience.”

Mile 137: The chosen side

It was almost midnight when PMLN leaders appeared at the meeting in Gujranwala. Hundreds of party supporters gathered in rows upon rows of chairs, cheering and clapping as fireworks lit up the sky. Political songs blared from the loudspeakers: “Nawaz Sharif, he will build Punjab!” “Nawaz Sharif, he will save the country!”

Mr Sharif's almost certain return to power has provided a redemption of sorts. He has been Prime Minister three times and has never served a single term. He was deposed twice after falling out with the army. He was then overthrown in 2017 over corruption allegations.

But for an army bent on gutting PTI, Mr Sharif was seen as perhaps the only politician who could counter Mr Khan's popular appeal. After spending four years in exile, Mr Sharif was allowed to return to the country in October to shore up the PMLN's support.

“When he returned, the party revived,” said Ijaz Khan Ballu, a PMLN campaigner in Gujranwala. “All these votes for PMLN are actually votes for Nawaz Sharif.”