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Biden finds support but also protests in Michigan

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President Biden's visit to Michigan yesterday had all the hallmarks of a vintage Scranton Joe event, as he spoke with members of the United Automobile Workers about his love of cars and affinity for the labor movement.

But while the appearance was a throwback to past campaigns — and a reminder of his historic appeal to a multiracial bloc of working-class voters — the trip to Michigan itself underscored the new challenges Biden faces this year.

Michigan is home to many Arab-American and Muslim voters, who were once a solid Biden constituency but are now outraged by the president's support for Israel's war against Hamas in Gaza.

Pro-Palestinian groups protested against his visit, with signs calling on voters to “abandon Biden.” Protesters chanted “Genocide Joe” and “How many children did you kill today?” outside a campaign stop later in the day, my colleague Michael Shear reported.

Some Arab-American community leaders, including recently Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud declined a meeting with Biden's campaign manager. And so is a group of activists plan to encourage Michiganders to vote “not recorded” during the state's Feb. 27 primary.

“If we can demonstrate our political power and discontent through as many uncommitted votes as possible in Michigan's Democratic primaries, then we hope that Biden will be at greater risk of losing Michigan in the general election,” said Layla Elabed, the campaign manager. for the effort, a sister of Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan. She hopes this will prompt him to “shift his policy to at least support a ceasefire” and push for limits on military aid to Israel.

Muslims make up only a small percentage of Michigan voters, but their disapproval could pose electoral danger in a crucial swing state that Biden won by fewer than 155,000 votes in 2020. And one poll last year showed that Biden's support among Arab Americans fell from 59 percent to 17 percent.

Biden is a longtime supporter of Israel and has met with every prime minister since Golda Meirwho he is fond of calling. After the Hamas attacks on Israel on October 7, he surprised even some Jewish Republicans with the strength of his support for Israel and his military response, as my colleagues Jonathan Weisman and Lisa Lerer have reported.

But as civilian casualties in Gaza have soared, the president is facing increasing opposition from within his party over his approach. Protesters demanding a ceasefire regularly interrupt his events, as my colleague Astead Herndon documented on the podcast “The Run-Up.” There are signs that the issue is resonating beyond Arab-American voters, especially among black and younger progressive voters.

And Biden has taken a tougher tone against Israel. He has issued warnings about his conduct in the war and urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to agree to the creation of a Palestinian state after the war. On Thursday, ahead of his trip to Michigan, he ordered sanctions against four Israeli settlers accused of violent attacks on Palestinians in the West Bank.

“The war in Gaza has been deeply divisive for our party,” said Celinda Lake, a veteran Democratic pollster, “especially for the younger side of our party, for the Arab-American Democrats.”

Some Michigan politicians underscore Biden's difficult balancing act, saying the president has actually energized voters in heavily Jewish areas on the issue.

“I wouldn't be surprised if support for Biden actually grows in that Bloomfield corridor and throughout Oakland County as a result of his support for the eradication of Hamas and for the unconditional release of hostages,” said Senator Jeremy Moss. the House's only Jewish senator, referring to areas around Detroit. “Joe Biden has struck a chord here.”

The campaign is ramping up its organizing efforts in the state, boosted by leaders like Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, campaign co-chair, and other major endorsements, including from the powerful UAW union. And senior administration officials are expected to travel to Michigan this month to talk to community leaders in the state about “a range of issues important to them and their families, including the conflict in Israel and Gaza,” said Karine Jean-Pierre, the Dat the White House press secretary said Thursday.

“We are potentially a powerful force,” says Elabed, putting pressure on the “unoccupied” effort. “This is us showing our dissatisfaction and giving power back to this community through the ballot box.”

The Constitution requires that presidents be at least 35 years old, be “natural-born” citizens, and have lived in the United States for at least 14 years. That is it. While some states bar felons from state and local offices, these laws do not apply to federal offices.

In practice, it would – of course – be complicated to be president from prison. The combination of a Trump conviction and a Trump election victory would take the country into truly uncharted territory.

Nearly a quarter of Trump's supporters believe he should not be the Republican Party's nominee for president if he is found guilty of a crime. And the Republican National Committee could choose to replace him on the ballot if that were to happen. There is no modern precedent, but the Constitution does not prohibit it.

It is also unclear what would happen if Trump were to win the election in November but be convicted before Inauguration Day in January. In theory, Congress could refuse to recognize him as the winner. Or he could come into power, and the vice president and Cabinet members could strip his authority under the 25th Amendment. Or he could sue to be released, arguing that imprisonment prevented him from fulfilling his constitutional obligations. Then it would be up to the judge.

One reader asked if Trump could pardon himself. When it comes to federal charges, the answer may be: It's an untested constitutional question, because no president has tried it. He cannot pardon himself for the state-level charges he faces in Georgia and New York.

Even considering these questions, “we are so far removed from anything that has ever happened,” Erwin Chemerinsky, a constitutional law expert at the University of California, Berkeley, told me last year. “It's just a guess.” —Maggie Astor

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