Before a ceasefire, Israeli officials debated whether a break would help Hamas

Israel’s decision on Wednesday to pause the invasion of Gaza to allow Hamas to release some hostages, a move now strongly backed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, was the culmination of a weeks-long dispute between the civilian and military leaders of Israel on whether such an agreement would strengthen the situation. Endangering Hamas and the remaining hostages.

A group of leaders led by Yoav Gallant, Israel’s Defense Minister, tried to delay the ceasefire and the release of 50 hostages in exchange for 150 Palestinian prisoners held by Israel, fearing that this would slow the momentum of would delay the Israeli invasion, Hamas said. to regroup and divert international attention from the remaining 190 people held captive in Gaza.

Another group, including David Barnea, the head of Mossad, Israel’s foreign intelligence service, which led negotiations for Israel, argued that the deal was better than none and that the invasion could be halted after a brief ceasefire continued, according to four seniors. security officials who spoke anonymously because they were not authorized to speak to the news media.

The first group initially took the upper hand, convincing Netanyahu to postpone a cabinet vote originally scheduled for Nov. 14, three of the officials said. They hoped that more military pressure could give Israel more leverage at the negotiating table, allowing more hostages to be released.

But the second group ultimately won, leading Netanyahu to hold the vote early on Wednesday, paving the way for a four-day ceasefire and a prisoner exchange that could begin as early as Thursday. A senior defense official from the first group said the members had changed their minds because the terms Israel was able to obtain in the signed deal were significantly better than those reached a week ago.

Netanyahu’s office, the Israeli military and Mossad all declined to comment.

The deal came as Mr. Netanyahu faced competing pressures at home and abroad. The Biden administration has pushed him to agree to a hostage deal and temporary ceasefire amid mounting international concern over the heavy death toll and humanitarian crises caused by Israel’s 47-day bombardment and four-week invasion of Gaza .

Domestically, many Israelis are angry that Netanyahu’s government failed to prevent Hamas’ attack in southern Israel on October 7, which started the war and led to the arrest of about 240 hostages. Some Israelis are impatient for him to rout Hamas, even if it endangers the hostages; some want him to prioritize the rescue of the hostages even if it delays the counterattack on Hamas; and others only want a hostage deal if all Hamas captured last month are released, not just a few.

At least 12,700 people have been killed in Gaza since Israel began attacks in response to the Hamas attack that killed an estimated 1,200 people, according to health officials in the Hamas-controlled enclave.

While Israel initially received widespread support in the aftermath of the Hamas attacks, its international partners – mainly the United States – urged Netanyahu to limit civilian casualties and ease the devastation among Gaza’s remaining residents, many of whom most fled their homes.

The tension within Israel’s leadership reflects a broader debate in Israeli society about the military’s immediate priorities in responding to the October 7 attacks. For many Israelis, the state’s raison d’être is to protect its citizens – and that failed last month, many say. How to restore those protections has become a subject of public debate.

Mr. Netanyahu and other Israeli leaders have repeatedly said that the main objectives of the Israeli invasion are to drive Hamas out of Gaza and return all hostages. For many Israelis, both objectives serve the same purpose: restoring the state’s ability to protect its citizens.

But in the short term, some say the two goals are in conflict. By ruthlessly pushing through the Gaza Strip in pursuit of Hamas, the Israeli army risks the death of hostages in the crossfire or Israeli bombardment. But by pausing the invasion and allowing the release of some hostages, the military may be giving Hamas time to regroup.

Under the deal, the Israeli Air Force would stop flying surveillance planes over southern Gaza and suspend flights over the north for six hours a day – potentially allowing Hamas to move its forces through the area undetected, analysts say.

“Who has the upper hand in battle? Hamas,” said Fuad Khuffash, a Palestinian analyst close to Hamas. “Israel effectively agreed to Hamas’ terms,” he added.

Some Israeli defense officials fear there may be some truth in this assessment. But Israel’s hand was forced by a growing protest movement led by the hostages’ families, which pushed Netanyahu to do more to rescue their relatives, said Yagil Levy, a military expert at the Open University of Israel.

In recent days, thousands of protesters have marched some 40 miles from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, calling on the government to help free the hostages. Mr. Netanyahu may have realized that “neglecting the hostage issue will contribute to a widening circle of anti-government protests,” said Dr. Levy.

As Mr. Netanyahu came close to a Cabinet vote on an earlier version of the ceasefire last week, Mr. Gallant and others successfully lobbied him to delay the vote so that the Israeli army could proceed with its invasion and could take the Gaza Strip. largest hospital, Al-Shifa, among other targets.

Israel says the hospital hides Hamas military infrastructure and has presented video footage of what it says is a tunnel leading under the hospital, as well as security camera footage of hostages being taken to the hospital. Hamas denies the claims.

Nearly a week after the army seized Al-Shifa, Mr. Gallant and his allies backed the ceasefire — giving it overwhelming support at the Cabinet table — in part because they believed the decision to seize more of Gaza city ​​would have allowed Israel to gather more information about the missing hostages and further weaken Hamas. In Mr. Gallant’s view, this gave Israel a stronger position in the negotiations and allowed it to negotiate a better deal, according to a senior official familiar with Mr. Gallant’s perspective.

“What has led to the outcome that we hope we will achieve in the near future is the determined, professional, precise and deadly action of the Israeli military,” Mr. Gallant said in the cabinet, according to a written transcript of his comments provided by his ministry.

Other reluctant ministers floated the idea of ​​a ceasefire as their government colleagues convinced them they would support the resumption of fighting after a few days’ lull. Bezalel Smotrich, the far-right finance minister, initially said he would not support the deal, but changed his mind during the cabinet meeting, according to a recorded statement he gave to an Israeli journalist.

To win over Mr. Smotrich and others, the cabinet formally announced that “fighting in the Gaza Strip will continue” after the ceasefire.

Yaakov Peri, former head of the Shin Bet, Israel’s domestic security service, said Israel should accept the deal.

“We cannot refuse any hostage that Hamas wants to return,” said Mr. Peri, who gave Hamas a trump card in the negotiations. However, Mr Peri is concerned that with this deal “the risk of accidents is high.” Even a minor incident could jeopardize the ceasefire, he added.

But despite the government’s plan to continue attacking Hamas after the ceasefire, Mr Peri is not confident this will happen.

“If you stop a war, it is difficult to revive the momentum,” he said.

Ronen Bergman And Adam Sella reported from Tel Aviv, and Patrick Kingsley And Aaron Bokserman from Jerusalem. Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting from Rehovot, Israel, and Johnatan Reiss from Tel Aviv.